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Senegal: Continuous Fishing & Its Costs

On August 20, 2022, at least 50 protesters poured into the streets of Kayar, Senegal, demanding the closure of a nearby fishmeal factory, Touba Proteine Marine.1 Marching from the town’s fishing wharf to the plant, they hoisted signs reading “Kayar is sick” and “Our water is contaminated.”2 In a video that spread widely on Facebook, demonstrators chanted, “Time to respect our Kayar.”3

Their grievances were many. Protesters said the Senegalese government had broken its pledge not to authorize any new fishmeal plants—factories that produce a lucrative dark-yellow powder by cooking and pulverizing fish. Touba Proteine Marine, they said, had been built less than a third of a mile from residential homes, triggering health problems and violating local zoning laws, according to government documents and satellite imagery.4 The plant—owned until 2022 by the Spanish company Barna—was also accused of processing whole, fresh fish, undermining local food security. And the stench, residents said, made daily life unbearable.5

“Harsh reality of the Global South,” wrote Serigne Mbaye in a Facebook post sharing the protest video.6

Touba Proteine Marine was hardly an outlier. Again and again, in interviews and on online forums, residents living near Senegal’s fishmeal plants described the same noxious odors. Fishers said their catch was increasingly diverted into factories for export rather than sold in local markets for human consumption. Satellite data shows that other plants, too, were built within a third of a mile of homes—again in apparent violation of Senegalese law.7 Touba Proteine Marine and Barna did not respond to a request for comment.8

In Kayar, Senegal, demonstrators marched in protest of the Barna Senegal fishmeal factory on August 20, 2022. Locals said the facility’s toxic smells and waste made them sick and polluted the water.Seringe Mbaye on Facebook

Between 2018 and 2024, at least eight fishmeal plants in Senegal were linked to environmental issues, unsustainable fishing practices, and repeated episodes of civil unrest, according to news reports, government documents, trade records, and court filings compiled in Bait to Plate, a tracking tool developed by The Outlaw Ocean Project to monitor the global fishing and seafood industries.9M During that period, the plants were accused of polluting the environment on at least a dozen occasions—sometimes by dumping fish-processing waste onto nearby beaches, other times by releasing smoke that residents said caused respiratory problems.M

The stench from the plants—often the immediate trigger for protests—is more than a quality-of-life nuisance. Residents say it erodes the local economy, driving away tourists, restaurant customers, and beachgoers. The odor also signals the release of noxious chemicals, including ammonia, hydrogen sulfide, cyanide, and methane, which are linked to serious health effects such as nausea, pulmonary edema, and, in extreme cases, death among workers and nearby residents.10

The most pungent component of the smell is trimethylamine, or TMA, a colorless gas known for its distinctive “fishy” odor. In 2021, the Society of Chemical Industry classified TMA as “strongly toxic and carcinogenic.”11 The Outlaw Ocean Project’s Bait-to-Plate tool showed more than 69,000 people in Senegal, including over 11,000 children under the age of 15, live within a mile of a fishmeal plant.12M

Migrants crossing the Mediterranean from Africa to Europe—driven by climate change, dwindling fish stocks, conflict, and economic hardship—were intercepted and detained by EU-backed Libyan patrols in 2021, as documented by The Outlaw Ocean Project. Many risk indefinite detention in Libya’s notorious detention centers.”Get Away from the Target,” Ed Ou/The Outlaw Ocean Project

The rapid growth of the fishmeal industry in Senegal and across West Africa has deepened concerns about food insecurity, vanishing fish stocks, migration, job losses, and worsening air and water pollution.13 Researchers, United Nations officials, and advocates say the industry has accelerated overfishing to the edge of collapse and encouraged illegal fishing that has inflamed geopolitical tensions between Senegal and neighboring countries.M

Meanwhile, the social and environmental costs of producing this feed rarely appear on the balance sheets of the seafood companies that depend on it. These hidden costs—what economists call “externalities”—are instead borne by ecosystems and by communities far from where the seafood is ultimately eaten.14 The oceans shoulder an especially heavy and largely invisible burden. In 2022, more than one-fifth of all marine life caught globally was diverted into the feed industry, according to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the UN’s fisheries body.15 Reduction fishing often relies on purse-seine or trawl nets that capture large volumes of non-target species, stripping ecosystems of key prey fish.16 The result is a textbook case of “fishing down the food web,” in which industrial fleets shift toward ever-smaller species as larger predators disappear. The true cost of farmed fish, in other words, is not what appears on a restaurant menu or a grocery-store label.

For decades, the global turn toward aquaculture has been promoted as a way to relieve pressure on wild fisheries. But feeding farmed fish with fishmeal has inverted that promise. Unlike bivalves, carnivorous farmed fish must be fed protein-rich diets. Feed now accounts for roughly 70 percent of aquaculture’s operating costs, and fishmeal remains the industry’s most commercially viable option.17 As a result, farms producing popular seafood, including salmon, tuna, shrimp, carp, and European sea bass, often consume more fish than they deliver to market.18 Before reaching a plate, a single farmed tuna can eat more than 15 times its weight in wild fish processed into feed.19

Fishing boats navigate the waters off Mbour, about 50 miles south of Dakar, in March 2024. In Senegal, the growth of the fishmeal industry has intensified fishing pressure, complicating stock recovery and reducing local access. Many boats now sell to fishmeal plants, where profits are higher than in local markets.The Outlaw Ocean Project

Countries in the Global South, particularly in West Africa, pay a disproportionate share of this price. The region has become one of the world’s fastest-growing hubs of fishmeal production. More than 50 processing plants now operate along the coasts of Mauritania, Senegal, Guinea-Bissau, and The Gambia, collectively consuming an estimated half a million metric tons of fish each year.20M Senegal alone counted at least nine fishmeal plants in 2024, clustered along the coast near Saint-Louis, Kayar, Dakar, Joal, and Sandiara.21M

Fishmeal Plants in Senegal

In Senegal, the industry has transformed fishing itself. Fishmeal plants buy virtually unlimited quantities, eliminating the traditional pauses that once occurred when local markets were saturated. Fishers now have a buyer for “every last fish,” removing the informal brake that unsold catch once imposed on fishing effort.22 Between 2019 and 2025, as fishmeal exports surged, prices for dried and fresh fish more than doubled in a country where over half the population cannot afford a healthy diet.23 Multiple advocacy reports and academic studies have drawn a direct link between rising food insecurity and the growth of Senegal’s fishmeal sector.24 Fish supplies nearly half of the nation’s protein intake, according to the FAO.25 Small pelagic species such as sardinella and bonga—rich in protein, omega-3 fatty acids, and micronutrients—have long been dietary staples, particularly for low-income households. Today, many of those fish are no longer eaten locally but exported almost entirely as animal feed.

Fishers and fish processors in Kayar, Senegal, faced hardship in 2022 as industrial fishmeal plants expanded. Higher prices offered by processors drew catches away from local markets, while residents reported declining stocks, persistent odors, and pollution.Sentient Media on YouTube

“Today, having three daily meals has become a problem, which has never happened to us,” said Fatou Samba, a 58-year-old fish processor in Bargny, in an interview with The Outlaw Ocean Project. “We don’t think about saving money. We think about our survival.”26 Between 2009 and 2018, the volume of small pelagic fish available in local markets fell by a third, while per-capita consumption was cut in half.27 The FAO has warned that by the mid-to-late 2020s, Senegal could face an annual shortfall of roughly 150,000 tons of fish for human consumption.28 In 2023, fishmeal exports reached an eight-year high, coinciding with a spike in food prices and pushing Senegal into crisis-level hunger for the first time on record.29 Poor-quality diets, said Christina Hicks, a scientist specializing in small-scale fisheries and nutrition at Lancaster University, can stunt children’s growth, impair cognition, and increase lifelong vulnerability to disease.30

Six species are primarily targeted for Senegal’s fishmeal production: bonga shad, round and flat sardinella, horse mackerel, chub mackerel, and European anchovy.31M Historically, these fish were caught by local fishers and sold fresh, smoked, or dried in regional markets, providing an essential source of affordable protein, according to a 2022 Marine Policy study. Round sardinella, in particular, is the foundation of Senegal’s national dish, thieboudienne.32 Today, three of these species—bonga shad, round sardinella, and flat sardinella—are classified by the FAO as overexploited across Northwest Africa, with both sardinella species deemed to be in “a critical situation marked by heavy overexploitation.”33 Since the fishmeal industry expanded into West Africa, round sardinella stocks have fallen to their lowest level ever recorded.34M

As the global population grows, so does competition for essential nutrients. Governments are trying to reduce dependence on imported meat in pursuit of what policymakers increasingly call “protein sovereignty.” Investors are pouring money into alternatives such as plant-based and lab-cultivated meat. At the same time, shocks—from avian flu outbreaks to the war in Ukraine—have sent meat prices surging, underscoring the fragility and interconnectedness of global food markets. “With increasing frequency, wealthy, food-importing countries and private investors are acquiring farmland overseas,” noted a report from the Wilson International Center, Land Grab? The Race for the World’s Farmland, observing that many such deals are aimed at securing future food supplies.35

Within a global scramble for resources, feed has emerged as a largely invisible battleground. Competition is especially fierce over crops such as soy, a cornerstone of industrial animal agriculture. “China, the US, and Brazil are by far the world’s three largest meat producers, and they are bound together by a single commodity: the soybean,” said a 2024 podcast from the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.50 “In 2018, one of the first battlegrounds in US-China trade tensions wasn’t semiconductors or rare earths—it was soybeans.” The race for fishmeal and fish oil follows the same logic: a quest for sovereignty and control over protein. The difference is geography. Unlike soy, this struggle is playing out at sea—largely beyond the scrutiny of journalists, regulators, and even environmental and human-rights watchdogs.

Freshly caught sardinella are carted through Kayar, Senegal, to the Touba Proteine Marine fishmeal factory in 2023, despite rules against using fresh fish. The diversion of these staple fish to fishmeal production has driven up prices and worsened food insecurity in the country.
Freshly caught sardinella are carted through Kayar, Senegal, to the Touba Proteine Marine fishmeal factory in 2023, despite rules against using fresh fish. The diversion of these staple fish to fishmeal production has driven up prices and worsened food insecurity in the country.Jack Thompson

From July 2024 to March 2025, reporters with The Outlaw Ocean Project visited three fishmeal plants in Senegal—Omega Fishing, Touba Protein Marine, and St. Louis Sea Production—to interview nearby residents, plant managers, and workers. Historically, Senegalese fishmeal factories were expected to rely on waste products, such as fish heads, tails, and spoiled tissue, to avoid worsening food insecurity.51 But reporters found that as fishmeal prices have climbed, factories have increasingly turned to fresh, whole fish, according to interviews with plant officials and workers.

Using whole fish has become common practice in Senegal’s fishmeal industry, even in cases where licenses or contracts explicitly prohibit it. In an on-camera interview, Ibrahima Samb, a former worker at Omega Fishing in Joal who now supplies fish to factories, said his plant’s license barred the use of whole fish—but that the rule was routinely ignored.52 “We sometimes had whole fish,” he said, “but it happened only when the fisheries authorities made a seizure and sold it to us.”53

Fish In:Fish Out

It can take more than 730 wild-caught Peruvian anchoveta to grow a single farmed salmon.

Wild anchoveta needed per farmed animalMEvery mark is one anchoveta, at one size

730anchoveta 1 Salmon

390anchoveta 1 Trout

3anchoveta 1 Carp

1anchoveta 1 Shrimp

Wild anchoveta are rendered into fishmeal, then fed to farmed species.Farmed species are not shown at relative size.

In February 2025, an Outlaw Ocean Project reporter documented deliveries inside the Omega plant showing several tons of whole, fresh fish, including large quantities of flat sardinella—a species the FAO classified as overexploited in 2023.54

At Touba Proteine Marine, the pattern was similar. In a July 2024 interview, an employee who requested anonymity for fear of retaliation told The Outlaw Ocean Project that “sometimes four to five trucks arrived at the plant each day, each carrying about 17 to 18 tons of fresh fish.” A copy of the company’s license—issued when the plant was owned by the Spanish firm Barna—states that “the plant’s raw material supply must consist of fish waste and scraps at the landing docks.”55

Yet enforcement appears inconsistent. In a written response to questions, Senegal’s Ministry of Fisheries said that the use of whole fish is currently legal. “There is no law prohibiting the production of fishmeal and fish oil from whole fish,” she wrote. “However, since [fishmeal] factories are limited in number, further control methods will be implemented to prevent them from processing whole fish.” Touba Proteine Marine, Barna, Omega Fishing, and St. Louis Sea Production did not respond to a request for comment.56

An Outlaw Ocean Project researcher films the Omega plant in Joal, Senegal, in February 2025, as it receives and processes whole, fresh fish. Although the feed industry often says it uses only seafood offcuts to reduce food insecurity, most fishmeal and fish oil worldwide still comes from whole fish.The Outlaw Ocean Project

As overfishing continues in Senegalese waters, recovery becomes more difficult for key species and access increasingly limited for the communities that depend on them.57 By 2024, both flat and round sardinella were at risk of collapse in the region, according to a study published in Fisheries Research.58 These small pelagic fish play a keystone role in marine ecosystems, serving as prey for larger fish, marine mammals, and seabirds. Their depletion destabilizes the entire food web. “Wealthy nations are allowing their ships to travel thousands of miles to plunder Africa’s fish, with dire consequences for local communities and ecosystems,” said John Hocevar, oceans campaign director for Greenpeace USA.

In 2024, a coalition of Senegalese civil society organizations wrote to the government calling for the closure of all fishmeal plants. The letter warned that the industry was undermining food security, damaging marine biodiversity, and eliminating local jobs. Still, under the president elected in April 2024, the Senegalese government has signaled its intention to continue encouraging the “production of fish feed.”81M

Researchers and advocates say a central problem is weak enforcement.82 Senegal’s government, they argue, has failed to adequately police both fishing and fishmeal production.83 That failure has drawn international scrutiny. In 2023, the European Union issued Senegal a “yellow card” warning for insufficient cooperation in combating illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing—pressuring the country to overhaul its fisheries governance. Among the EU’s concerns was a lack of transparency in licensing and monitoring, shortcomings that indirectly implicate the fishmeal sector, since both foreign and domestic vessels overfish largely to supply reduction factories.

Senegal’s fishing industry has long benefited from government support. In 2018, the country provided at least $200 million in harmful fisheries subsidies, according to a study by the University of British Columbia.84 Such subsidies are widely criticized for inflating fleet sizes and accelerating overfishing. A partial course correction came in 2025, when a World Trade Organization (WTO) agreement on fisheries subsidies entered into force. Under the deal, which is binding on Senegal and other WTO members, countries committed to banning subsidies linked to illegal, unregulated fishing and the exploitation of already overfished stocks.85

Governance gaps persist. In 2019, the Environmental Justice Foundation analyzed Senegalese government landing and export data and found major discrepancies that suggested large volumes of fish caught by the industrial fleet were never officially reported.117 The public purse has also likely been deprived of revenue. In a 2022 FAO study, five Senegalese government officials said there is likely to be tax evasion by fishing and fishmeal companies because of the lack of close monitoring of industry tax payments.118

Reform efforts have advanced unevenly. In May 2024, Senegal’s Ministry of Fisheries pledged greater transparency and published a list of vessels authorized to operate in national waters—a move welcomed by civil-society groups. But momentum soon stalled. By August 2024, Senegal had failed to submit a formal application to the Fisheries Transparency Initiative, which subsequently delisted the country as a candidate for noncompliance with transparency standards.119

Fishing boats dock along the shore in Mbour, Senegal, in March 2024. In a country where over half the population cannot afford a healthy diet, fish prices more than doubled between 2019 and 2025, while fishmeal exports rose to an eight-year high in 2023, with several studies linking food insecurity and the growth of Senegal's fishmeal industry.The Outlaw Ocean Project

Advocates say meaningful reform would require politically difficult steps: restricting fishing effort, compensating affected communities, and coordinating stock management with neighboring countries such as Mauritania and The Gambia. For now, those measures remain, as one observer put it, “elusive.”120

Mustapha Manneh, a researcher based in The Gambia who studies fishmeal and fish oil production in West Africa, said one downstream consequence of collapsing fish stocks and job displacement is migration.121 Families that for generations depended on fishing, he said, are now selling—or repurposing—their boats to flee to Europe. With few prospects at home, many attempt the more than 930-mile sea journey to Spain’s Canary Islands, a route that claimed more than 3,000 lives in 2025.122

Rescuers carry the body of a drowned migrant ashore after a boat bound for the Canary Islands sank off Mbour in September 2024. As fish stocks collapse and livelihoods disappear, families increasingly attempt the perilous crossing to Europe.The Outlaw Ocean Project

Younger fishers, Manneh said, are increasingly abandoning the water altogether. Instead of trying to make a living at sea, they are turning to clandestine migration routes. Cheikh Fall, a 27-year-old fish farm worker, said he left Senegal in search of work in Europe after opportunities at home dried up. He was detained in Morocco and deported.123 Another fisher, Sene, described attempting the same journey. His boat, he said, was intercepted by the Moroccan coast guard, which detained the passengers for roughly three days. Sene alleged that more than a dozen women were raped while in custody. Despite the dangers, he said he would likely attempt the crossing again.124 The government of Morocco did not respond to a request for comment about the allegations of abuse.125

For men like Pape Demba Sy, the link between dwindling fish stocks and migration was unmistakable. Once a skilled fisher supplying sardinella to women processors along the coast, Sy increasingly returned from day-long trips with empty nets. In 2006, he made his first attempt to cross the Atlantic to the Canary Islands, carrying just 50 euros, a photograph of his parents, and the hope of supporting his ailing mother. By 2011, as fishmeal plants further drained local waters, he made eight additional attempts—earning the nickname “Nine Times.”

Sy was repeatedly intercepted, detained in Morocco, or forced back by mechanical failures at sea. Still, he said, he would keep trying. “I am the hope of the family,” he explained. While processed sardinella flowed north to European markets, people like Sy remained trapped—narrowing not only the choices of fishers at sea, but also the livelihoods of women who depend on fish landings onshore.

For many, the journey ends in death. While Outlaw Ocean Project reporters were in Senegal, a pirogue carrying roughly 100 migrants capsized in early September 2024, killing more than two dozen people. “There’s no work. We’re fishermen,” said Cheikhou Omar, a 21-year-old survivor. “I go out for 10 days, and I come back with 20,000 francs. Sometimes I earn nothing.” On the same day, the Senegalese Navy intercepted two other boats carrying a total of 421 people attempting to migrate.126

Watch VideoThe Lost Generation of Senegal

Europe’s response has largely focused on deterrence. The European Union has paid African governments to intercept migrant boats at sea and return passengers to detention centers on the continent—facilities long criticized by human rights groups for abuse, including extortion, torture, and sexual violence.127 In 2022, the EU and Senegal signed an agreement with Frontex, the EU’s border agency, authorizing joint patrols in Senegalese waters to intercept and turn back migrants attempting to reach Europe.

Overfishing and illegal fishing have also inflamed tensions between Senegal and its neighbors. In January 2018, fishers in Saint-Louis, Senegal, rioted after one of their colleagues was shot and killed by Mauritanian coast guards, according to a Reuters report.128 During the confrontation, the Senegalese pirogue attempted to ram a Mauritanian patrol vessel. A coast guard officer fired in an effort to disable the boat’s engine and instead fatally struck the fisherman, a senior Mauritanian official told Reuters.129

Conflict has also intensified closer to shore, between small-scale artisanal fishers and large industrial vessels. These larger ships—typically foreign-owned—primarily catch fish for export for human consumption. They frequently encroach into coastal zones traditionally reserved for artisanal fishers, who operate pirogues or small wooden canoes and increasingly supply their catch to fishmeal plants. Fishers say industrial vessels have rammed their boats, cut lines, destroyed nets, or dumped fish overboard.130

To avoid such losses, fishers like Abdoul Sene, a 30-year-old from Keur Moussa, now haul in their nets each night rather than leaving them drifting offshore.131 The practice protects their gear but reduces their catch.132 “Sometimes we pour gasoline to fire up their boats, sometimes we throw stones,” Abdoul Sene said. “But the Chinese pull out weapons.”133 Under Senegalese law, the government has the authority to establish exclusive fishing zones for artisanal fleets. To date, it has never done so.134

The government has also licensed vessels with histories of alleged violations. Nearly half a dozen Chinese ships belonging to the Fu Yuan Yu fleet—a group repeatedly cited by Global Fishing Watch in 2016 and Greenpeace in 2020—have been authorized to fish in Senegalese waters.135M These vessels have been linked to illegal or unsustainable practices, including spoofing their AIS signals to conceal their true locations. Senegalese officials faced criticism in local media for issuing the licenses after previously pledging not to authorize new foreign industrial vessels.136M

Fishers work in Popenguine, Senegal. Fish is a key source of affordable protein, and the Food and Agriculture Organization projects that by the mid-to-late 2020s, the country could face an annual shortfall of about 150,000 tons for human consumption.Greenpeace

Monitoring industrial and fishmeal-linked vessels in Senegalese waters has proven difficult. Between 2019 and 2024, at least nine ships went “dark,” switching off their tracking transponders for a week or more. Over the same period, at least 22 vessels likely engaged in transshipment—transferring catch at sea rather than returning to port—according to research by the Allen Institute for AI.137 Fourteen of those incidents reportedly occurred in Senegalese waters, where transshipment is illegal because it obscures where fish are caught and how much is taken.138

Gaps in vessel identification further complicate oversight. At least 200 ships operating in the fleet lack International Maritime Organization (IMO) numbers, which are required under international maritime rules. Another 280 vessels are missing from the FAO Global Record, a key database used to track fishing activity worldwide.139M

Most of Senegal’s fishmeal production is exported, primarily to Vietnam, Spain, and Turkey. Fishmeal exports more than doubled between 2022 and 2023.140 Fish oil shipments went mainly to Spain, Chile, Oman, and Denmark.141 In 2023, the fishmeal and fish oil sector generated more than $19 million in export revenue.142M

Locally, however, the economic benefits are uneven. In 2018, the fishmeal industry created roughly 120 temporary jobs and 264 permanent ones, according to the FAO.143 By contrast, Senegal’s fisheries sector as a whole employs more than 600,000 people.144 Civil society groups argue that job figures tied to fishmeal plants obscure broader losses. “Competition with the thousands of professional players active at the post-capture level is a major problem,” Rampao reported.145

Local markets are already feeling the strain. In some communities, the number of women involved in fish processing has fallen from more than 300 to about 70, according to a 2022 study by Feedback EU.146 Many were priced out by rising costs and dwindling access to fish. The study also found that fishmeal factories failed to deliver on promises of job creation and tax revenue—leaving communities with fewer fish, fewer livelihoods, and little to show in return.147

For communities living near Senegal’s fishmeal plants, air and water pollution have long been among the most common complaints. In April 2018, a fishmeal factory operated by Société des Produits Halieutiques opened in Abéné. Soon after, residents reported an overwhelming stench, thick black smoke, and untreated wastewater flowing into rice fields and garden wells, according to Malagen, a Senegalese news outlet.148 Within weeks, Abéné’s beach was littered with dead fish. Investigators suspected the die-off was caused by pollution discharged from the plant.

Residents of Kayar pour fish into piles for processing. In 2022, a fishers’ collective in Kayar claimed that pollution from the Touba Proteine Marine fishmeal factory was imperiling local fishers’ livelihoods and endangering public health.Aida Grovestins/Greenpeace/Mongabay

Residents mobilized quickly. Youth groups and environmental activists organized protests, submitted petitions, and staged open-air screenings of the documentary Poisson d’or, Poisson d’Afrique to pressure authorities to intervene. A community referendum overseen by the Ministry of Environment found that more than 90 percent of respondents opposed the factory. After six neighboring villages issued a joint memorandum rejecting what they called a “killer” and “toxic” industry, the government suspended the plant’s operations in July 2018.149

Concerns persisted elsewhere. A 2022 FAO study found that the five fishmeal plants then operating in Senegal were associated with rising respiratory illnesses—including rhinitis and chronic cough—particularly among children, the elderly, and people with preexisting conditions.150 That same year, residents in Kayar accused a local fishmeal plant of emitting noxious odors, contaminating water sources, competing unfairly with traditional processors, and engaging in corrupt practices.151 A community coalition released video footage showing company trucks allegedly dumping waste into a nearby lake.M A water analysis ordered by local authorities in September 2022 confirmed severe organic pollution, including deoxygenation that harmed aquatic life.152 In January 2023, Kayar’s municipal government banned wastewater discharges into local waterways.153 Later that year, multiple legal complaints were filed seeking the closure of Touba Proteine Marine.154M

A truck from Touba Proteine Marine (formerly Barna Senegal) dumps waste in a lake in Kayar. This video was evidence in a court case brought by the local community against Touba, alleging illegal dumping.Greenpeace

Demba Badiane, a 44-year-old fisher from the coastal village of Mballing, said polluted water from a nearby factory had rendered farmland infertile and decimated fish stocks. “We no longer saw any fish within three kilometers,” he said in a March 2024 interview with The Outlaw Ocean Project. “The fish were dying, and you could see them along the shore.” He described wastewater being discharged directly into the sea, followed by dead fish surfacing nearby.155

Despite zoning rules that prohibit fishmeal plants from being built within 500 meters—about 550 yards—of residential areas, a review of satellite imagery and interviews with local residents identified at least four facilities that appeared to violate the rule.156M

Concerns surrounding the boats that supply Senegal’s fishmeal plants extend beyond environmental damage. Labor researchers have documented debt bondage and child labor within the fleet. According to a 2023 report by Partner Africa, more than a third of operating fishing vessels—ranging from small artisanal pirogues to larger purse seiners—had their operating costs paid upfront by factory owners or fishmongers.157 Those costs typically include food, fuel, bait, and basic provisions. In return, fishers are required to sell their catch at a fixed, prearranged price. The arrangement, the report found, creates a high risk of debt bondage, trapping workers in cycles of labor for little or no pay as they struggle to repay mounting debts.158 The same study found that roughly a third of Senegal’s artisanal boats carried children—some as young as eight—working at sea.159

Despite these concerns, Senegal’s fishmeal industry has expanded rapidly. Beginning in the early 2010s, foreign investment—largely from Chinese and European firms—poured into West Africa to build fishmeal and fish oil factories geared toward export markets in Europe and Asia. The result was a gold rush for small pelagic fish. By 2019, roughly 50 fishmeal and fish oil plants were operating across Mauritania, Senegal, and The Gambia, according to Greenpeace.160 Over the decade ending in 2021, the industry expanded tenfold along the West African coast.161

The cumulative impact has been severe. By 2018, fishmeal factories were absorbing an estimated 90 percent of the region’s total small pelagic catch. During the same period, stocks of flat and round sardinella fell to their lowest levels on record, according to a 2024 analysis of fish stocks and factory growth.162 In Senegal, the government has actively courted foreign investment in an effort to manage a trade deficit that reached $5.75 billion in 2025 and a foreign debt burden of roughly $40 billion.163 To attract fishmeal producers, authorities offered generous incentives, including a 50 percent income-tax reduction and exemptions from import duties.164

Residents go about their daily routines in the fishing village of Fass Boye. Expanding fishmeal and fish oil industries in Mauritania, Senegal, and The Gambia have increased pressure on regional stocks vital to local food security and livelihoods.Greenpeace

Managing the fallout is complicated by the transboundary nature of West Africa’s fisheries. Many key species migrate freely along the coast, meaning overfishing in one country quickly affects stocks in another. Sardinella alone travels across a range of roughly 1,000 miles, spanning nearly the entire West African shoreline. According to Oceana, the proliferation of fishmeal plants in the region can be traced directly to European demand for farmed salmon, which relies heavily on fishmeal.165 The result, researchers argue, is a form of “nutrient colonialism”—or food imperialism—in which protein is extracted from food-insecure regions to feed consumers elsewhere. “The aquaculture and fishmeal industries, along with Western seafood buyers, are fuelling a modern-day food-feed competition with little regard for its consequences,” concluded a 2024 study by Feedback Global.166

These concerns have begun to ripple through global supply chains. Several major fish-feed companies, including Skretting and Mowi, say they have avoided sourcing fishmeal and fish oil from West Africa—including Senegal—since 2023, citing sustainability and social-risk concerns.167