Mauritania: An Emergent Giant in A Messy Business
On October 22, 2022, a tanker called the Key Bay picked up tens of thousands of tons of fish oil from the port of Nouadhibou in Mauritania. The ship carried the oil more than 3,000 miles to a port in Valsneset, Norway, delivering it to the Norwegian company Mowi, which is among the world’s biggest salmon producers.1
This voyage was the focus of a scathing French documentary by Arte, which detailed the Norwegian salmon industry’s role in decimating Mauritanian fish stocks and threatening food security in the poor African nation. The film highlighted the stark ecological cost: Up to four kilograms of wild fish, such as sardinella, can be required to feed the production of a single kilogram of organic salmon.2 This massive export demand has driven up the price of sardinella, a traditional dietary staple, making it unaffordable for local Mauritanian populations.
Roughly a year later, the flow of fish oil between Mauritania and Norway had only increased, and Mauritania’s fish stocks were even more in crisis. In January 2024, the Financial Times ran a virtually identical story to the Arte documentary. Tracing the very same ship carrying fish oil from Mauritania to Norway’s Mowi, the British newspaper again highlighted the ruinous nature of this commodity, citing “systematic rule-breaking” and “widespread corruption” in a trade that continued to steal nutrients from the African “region’s poorest.”3
Despite the international media scrutiny and searing criticism from advocates and researchers, little had improved in Mauritania’s fishmeal and fish oil industry by 2024. The Mauritanian government continued to support the expansion of production with minimal oversight. At the same time, Norwegian salmon producers persisted in relying heavily on Mauritanian plants tied to pollution and food insecurity, which were often supplied by fishing ships engaged in unsustainable and illegal practices in Mauritanian waters.4
The Outlaw Ocean Project’s Bait-to-Plate tool was created to track the world’s fishing and seafood industries.M The tool compiled news reports, government documents, trade records, and court filings to document issues reported between 2016 and 2024 concerning at least 16 Mauritanian plants that process fish oil and fishmeal, a lucrative dark-yellow liquid or powder made by cooking and pulverizing fish. These issues included reports of environmental violations and civil unrest.5 For example, plants were supplied by ships reportedly involved in unsustainable fishing on over 20 occasions, including targeting already overexploited fish species, operating industrially in zones reserved for artisanal fishing, and repeatedly exceeding fishmeal production quotas.6 The plants allegedly polluted the environment at least five times, often by dumping waste on nearby beaches and emitting noxious smoke that resulted in chronic health and respiratory issues among local populations.7 Ships supplying these factories were allegedly linked to at least 44 instances of illegal fishing, including suspected transshipment—a practice banned in Mauritanian waters that allows vessels to offload their catch to refrigerated carriers without returning to shore.8M
Dive deeper — 1 of 3 in this report — Footnotes 9–28
Why the Sea Became a Protein Mine
The science of animal feed—combining corn, soy, grain, and other ingredients like fishmeal to raise livestock faster, more efficiently, and at a larger scale—was central to the rise of modern civilization.9 Techniques of animal husbandry developed roughly 12,000 years ago in the so-called “Fertile Crescent,” an ancient area stretching from Mesopotamia to Egypt.10 Alongside advancements like irrigation and the plough, the domestication of livestock was essential for humans to create the stable food supply that they needed to settle and eventually to develop cities.11 Shifting from grazing to penning animals required farmers to provide them with balanced diets.12
Historically, marine life itself has experienced a conceptual shift. First, these creatures were animals that served mostly as sustenance for seabirds, marine mammals, and larger predatory fish, and, on a local scale, as food for humans. Next, they were seafood to be eaten by humans on an industrial and global scale. Then, with the rise of the reduction industry, marine creatures emerged as an ingredient in the form of flour, oil, or protein, destined as livestock feed.13 Ocean habitats became calorie factories.
Kristin A. Wintersteen explains how and when the modern world began using the sea as a protein mine.14 In her 2021 book, The Fishmeal Revolution, she chronicles how the Humboldt Current, a cold, nutrient-rich upwelling system that runs along the Pacific coast of South America, was reconceptualized from being a living marine ecosystem into a place to extract raw materials. This “revolution,” she explained, converted Peru into the fishmeal superpower it is today, now accounting for roughly a quarter of global production. This historical transformation made fishmeal the key ingredient that helped fuel the post-World War II expansion of industrial chicken, hog, and later fish farming—especially in the US and northern Europe. This shift, which has since extended far beyond the waters of Peru to include the coastline of West Africa, has also severed consumers from the ecological and human costs of production.15
Fishmeal and its rise as a staple feedstock have come with a variety of hidden costs that rarely show up on the balance sheets of the seafood companies that rely on it. These hidden costs, or what economists call “externalities,” are instead paid by the environment and by people who are far from where the seafood gets eaten.16 The oceans also pay an especially heavy and unseen toll from this industry. More than a fifth of all marine life pulled out of the water globally was swallowed up by the feed industry in 2022, according to the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO).17 Reduction fishing often relies on purse-seine or trawl nets that can trap large amounts of non-target fish, or bycatch, significantly impacting the ecosystem by removing key prey species.18 As such, the reduction industry represents a stark example of “fishing down the food web,” where fishing shifts toward smaller, less valuable species as larger, predatory fish stocks decline. The true cost of farmed fish is not what appears on the restaurant menu or the grocery store packaging.
Most fishmeal is used by the aquaculture industry. This is ironic since, historically, the global push toward aquaculture has been bolstered by the idea that farming fish on land lessens the need to take so many from the sea. Using fishmeal to feed fish farms, however, has turned this goal upside down, and fish farming is accelerating ocean depletion. The toughest challenge to farming carnivorous fish is feeding them. Food constitutes roughly 70 percent of this industry’s overhead, and so far, the only commercially viable form is fishmeal.19 The aquaculture farms that yield some of the most popular seafood, such as salmon, tuna, shrimp, carp, or European sea bass, often consume more fish than they ship to supermarkets and restaurants.20 Before it gets to market, a farm-raised tuna, for example, can eat more than 15 times its weight in free-roaming fish that has been converted into fishmeal.21M
Aquaculture has existed in rudimentary forms for centuries before it became industrialized on a large scale in the 1980s, and it has some clear benefits. Fish farming provides millions of people with year-round access to affordable protein.22 In India, aquaculture is a crucial source of jobs, especially for women.23 In Bangladesh, fish farming has driven an overall decline in the price of fish, making it more accessible for lower-income households.24 Even when feed—including ingredients like soy and fishmeal—and transport to the US are taken into account, some types of fish farming, such as tilapia and Atlantic salmon aquaculture, have lower greenhouse gas emissions per pound compared to beef and pork.25 Farming bivalves, including clams, oysters, scallops, and mussels, is particularly sustainable: These species typically require no feed and use minimal land and freshwater.26 They also produce shells that can function as a form of carbon capture, according to a 2020 Nature Food study.27 As of 2022, roughly a third of global aquaculture did not require external feed inputs.28
Global South countries like those in West Africa also pay a high price. As of 2024, this region was among the world’s fastest-growing producers of fishmeal; more than 60 processing plants operated along the shores of Mauritania, Senegal, Guinea-Bissau, and The Gambia, collectively consuming an estimated half a million metric tons of fish a year.29 In Mauritania, the fishmeal industry saw exponential growth, with the number of factories rising from three in 2007 to more than 50 active in 2024, and its fishmeal exports doubled between 2014 and 2018.30 An estimated 550,000 metric tons of pelagic fish were caught in Mauritanian waters just to supply fishmeal plants in 2017 alone.31 That year, Mauritanian authorities announced plans to phase out fishmeal factories by 2020. Instead, production at the fishmeal factories tripled by 2020, according to the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements.32M

At least four species are targeted for fishmeal in Mauritania: bonga shad, round and flat sardinella, and sardines. The country’s fishmeal production has severely jeopardized the health of these species in local waters. The FAO classified bonga shad, round sardinella, and flat sardinella as “overexploited” and “declining” throughout Northwest Africa in 2021.33 The poor status of these stocks has contributed to other problems, including food insecurity, according to a story by the Dutch publication de Volkskrant.34M Mustapha Manneh, a researcher based in The Gambia, specializing in West Africa fishmeal and fish oil production, added that one consequence of failing fish stocks and job displacement caused by the fishmeal industry is migration. Many families who, for generations, have made a living from fishing are now selling or using their fishing boats to flee to Europe, Manneh explained.
In hopes of better protecting its waters and its food security, the Mauritanian government announced in May 2021 that it was prohibiting the use of whole round sardinella in fishmeal or fish oil.35 However, Mauritanian fishmeal plants continued to process banned fish into fishmeal at high rates, according to a 2021 report from the Mauritanian Pelagic Fisheries Improvement Project. Researchers analyzed 4,637 tons of fish from dozens of boats tied to 17 fishmeal plants. Testing a portion of the catch, they found that roughly 22 percent consisted of round sardinella, and around 33 percent was flat sardinella, also banned from use in fishmeal plants.36
Fish In:Fish Out
It can take more than 730 wild-caught Peruvian anchoveta to grow a single farmed salmon.
Wild anchoveta needed per farmed animalMEvery mark is one anchoveta, at one size
730anchoveta 1 Salmon

390anchoveta 1 Trout

3anchoveta 1 Carp

1anchoveta 1 Shrimp

In 2022, the FAO’s regional fisheries body warned of a “critical situation” for small pelagic stocks, and the organization called for an immediate 60 percent reduction in fishing effort for both round and flat sardinella.37 Scientists also pointed to climate change stress: Waters off northern Senegal and Mauritania were warming unusually fast, altering sardinella distribution.38 By 2023, round sardinella and flat sardinella were still “in a critical situation marked by heavy overexploitation,” according to the FAO in a report from that year.39 This meant that the fish continued to be caught faster than they could reproduce.
In 2023, the government in Mauritania took additional steps to better control the industry and protect its waters. It banned all species except sardines from fishmeal plants, and at least 20 percent of the sardines caught were to go toward human consumption.40 Interviews with local residents indicated these measures were not working, according to a 2023 report by Partner Africa.41
Dive deeper — 2 of 3 in this report — Footnotes 42–72
Fishmeal Sustainability: Walking North on a Southbound Train
As the planet’s population has grown, so too has competition for key nutrients. Countries are struggling to reduce their reliance on imported meat in a bid toward “protein sovereignty.”42 Investors are chasing alternative protein sources like plant-based or lab-cultivated meat. Disruptions such as the avian flu and the Russia-Ukraine War have led to sharp jumps in meat prices, casting new focus on the interconnectedness and volatility of these commodity markets. “With increasing frequency, wealthy, food-importing countries and private investors are acquiring farmland overseas,” said a report from the Wilson International Center titled “Land Grab? The Race for the World’s Farmland,” explaining that many of these purchases are for the sake of growing more food.43
In the context of this global fight for prized resources, feed represents a hidden battle behind the broader war. Competition is especially fierce for crops, particularly soy, that are fed to livestock. “China, the US, and Brazil are the world’s three largest producers of meat by far, and they all rely on and are bound together by one commodity: the soybean,” said a 2024 podcast by Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.44 “In 2024, US-China trade tensions are mostly centered on high-tech products like semiconductors or critical minerals. But in 2018, one of the first battlegrounds for these superpowers was the soybean.”45 As with soy, the scramble for fishmeal and fish oil is fueled by the same geopolitical desires for sovereignty and control over vital resources. And yet, this contest is happening not on land but at sea, where there is far less focus from journalists, governments, and environmental or human rights advocates.
The fishmeal and fish oil industry has been widely criticized for “food colonialism” because it redirects vital sources of protein from people who need it most and instead feeds it to livestock in richer countries for luxury products like salmon and shrimp.46
Seafood has historically played a smaller role in Mauritanian diets than in those of other West African countries.47 But in the past two decades, drought, diseases, and conflicts over access to pastures have decreased the availability of meat in Mauritania, while increasing demand for alternative protein sources such as seafood, according to a paper in the journal Sustainability. Between 2008 and 2022, the average amount of seafood eaten annually per person in Mauritania rose from 28 to 50 pounds.48 At least a fourth of Mauritania’s population lived below the national poverty line as of 2021.49 Sardinella, one of the main species targeted for fishmeal, has typically been eaten by lower-income communities, according to “Track the Fish,” a 2023 report by Partner Africa.50
The fishmeal industry and aquaculture industries have made a variety of arguments about their sustainability. For example, the IFFO, which is the international fishmeal association, has emphasized that its “role is not to advise which markets should use fishmeal and fish oil.”51 Véronique Jamin, a spokesperson from the organization, said that fish farming is “the most efficient animal protein system” and “is becoming more efficient over time, not less: lower inclusion rates of fishmeal/oil, higher digestibility of alternative ingredients, better feed formulation through precision nutrition.”52 She added: “Sustainability frameworks won’t work if they ignore real-world economics,” and seafood companies have to respond to “what people actually want to buy and eat.”53
Ocean researchers and marine historians, however, offer a different view about global demand for fishmeal and farmed fish.54 First, they contend that it was the aquaculture industry itself that is driving increased demand for farmed fish. "Classic market economics explains that making a resource cheaper and more efficient does not curb its use; it increases it," said a 2026 report by the Aquaculture Accountability Project. "Instead of meeting a preexisting need, confining hundreds of thousands or millions of fish in net pens to produce cheap seafood has created what economists call ‘supply-driven demand.’”55 A 2024 study by Science Advances furthered this point: Aquaculture companies have “driven an increase in demand for salmon, rather than having simply met a pre-existing demand.” The research concluded that the aquaculture industry has exponentially increased the supply of affordable “premium” fish like salmon, leading to higher demand, the opposite of its claim to be meeting an existing need.56
In defense of its sustainability, the feed industry has also emphasized that it is decreasing its reliance on fishmeal and fish oil, and especially on the use of whole fish or fish that can be eaten by people. Over 58 percent of fishmeal and fish oil globally comes from whole fish in 2026, according to international fishmeal association data. At least 90 percent of the fresh fish turned into fishmeal and fish oil is food-grade, edible to humans, according to a 2017 study published in the Fish and Fisheries journal.57 The IFFO has said on its website that between 2000 and 2020, the proportion of fishmeal in aquaculture feed at fish farms globally decreased from 23 percent to eight percent.58 Some experts have predicted, however, that the total amount of global fishmeal production could rise by nearly 10 percent between 2022 and 2032, mostly from trimmings—fish offcuts not suitable for human consumption—according to the FAO.59 Overall demand for fishmeal also seems to be increasing.60 Five of the world’s largest salmon companies, for instance, increased their absolute use of fishmeal and fish oil made from whole wild fish by as much as 39 percent between 2020 and 2024, according to a report from the Farm Animal Investment Risk and Return Initiative.61
Meanwhile, global fishmeal supplies could be tapped out as soon as 2028, according to Novel Sharma, a Rabobank analyst specializing in seafood and aquaculture.62 “A shortage is inevitable,” the report said.63 This means that the industry's claims about the supply, demand, and sustainability of fishmeal require broader context. While individual sectors or companies may be decreasing their use of fishmeal, the overall industry is not likely decreasing at a rate that makes it sustainable. The industry’s claims, then, resemble someone walking north on a southbound train: Individual actors may be moving in the right direction, but not nearly fast enough to change the outcome.
- Bonga shad (Ethmalosa fimbriata)Source
- Round sardinella (Sardinella aurita)Source
- Flat sardinella (Sardinella maderensis)Source
- Sardines / European Pilchard (Sardina pilchardus)Source
Assessing the climate impact of carnivorous fish farming is also complicated.64 The industry markets aquaculture seafood as a climate-friendly protein source.65 However, its true carbon cost is sometimes obscured by selective accounting, particularly the omission of fishmeal production, which accounts for at least half of industry emissions.66 Comparing the climate impact of food per pound can also make farmed fish appear artificially more efficient, but one pound of water-dense cod provides only a third of the calories of one pound of pork, distorting the reality of consumption.67 Meanwhile, over 165 million metric tons of CO2—equivalent to the annual emissions from all passenger cars in the UK—have been released into the atmosphere as mangroves and seagrass beds have been destroyed to make way for the global expansion of coastal fish farms, further undermining long-term carbon storage.68 When emissions from fishmeal, habitat loss, and global supply chains are accounted for, catfish and other intensive aquaculture products can rival or exceed poultry and pork in total climate impact, according to a 2018 Science study.69
Bill McKibben, a climate-change expert and author of Here Comes the Sun, said that hope is not lost, especially looking at promising trends tied to even some of the most intransigent global systems like fossil fuels.70 Between 2022 and 2024, the world nearly doubled its solar power capacity from two to three terawatts, and it was on track to increase by another three terawatts by the end of 2026. As of 2025, solar was growing faster than any other power source in history. The shift was largely driven by developments in the 2020s that enabled solar power, for the first time, to become cheaper than fossil fuels. China, Pakistan, and several countries across Africa led the charge to divest from distant supplies of oil and natural gas and take up local supplies of sun and wind.71 “If it can happen with energy, it can happen with food,” McKibben explained, adding that a relocalization of aquaculture, which pushes toward sustainable species like mollusks and away from those that rely on feed sources like fishmeal, is possible if international demand for things like salmon or shrimp decreases.72
In an effort to shield the industry from scrutiny, the Mauritanian government has sought to suppress reports of systemic misconduct. On July 22, 2025, Ali Bakar, an environmental advocate and former observer of industrial fishing, utilized Facebook to highlight suspicious activity by the Muammer Yilmaz, a Turkish vessel supplying local fishmeal plants. Bakar alleged that the ship was obscuring its location to operate within the protected waters of the Banc d'Arguin National Park, noting that such maneuvers suggested it was "very likely to be involved in an illegal hunting activity." Following the post, police arrived at Bakar's residence in Nouadhibou and detained him on charges of treason for purportedly "undermining the interests of the state." After being held for two months, Bakar was released amid significant pressure from international advocacy groups. Despite the state's actions, his claims regarding the vessel's incursions into the nature reserve were later supported by satellite imagery and video evidence from other captains operating in the region.73
Workers on Mauritanian fishing ships described ways that ship operators circumvented such rules, including by keeping ships at sea for longer so their catch would rot and become inedible for human consumption. At that point, it could only be delivered to fishmeal plants, according to the report. Turkish boats used tubes with blades inside that cut up the fish so that it too became unsuitable for human consumption, according to interviews with the Financial Times. Several workers said there was no sorting at the fishmeal and fish oil plants, which meant that banned fish was mixed with sardines to make the fishmeal or oil.74 These factories operated with little oversight, especially after the Mauritanian government put plans on hold to run an environmental audit of factories, despite the World Bank’s offer to finance the process through its West Africa Coastal Areas Management Programme.75M
Most of the country’s fishmeal catch comes from chartered or contracted small wooden canoes called pirogues—mainly purse seines from Senegal—as well as other bigger industrial boats. In 2019, there were a total of 204 pirogues and 77 industrial ships supplying fishmeal and fish oil factories, according to the FAO.76 Many of the industrial fishing boats were Turkish or Chinese.77 Foreign boats can operate in Mauritania if they are chartered by Mauritanians with fishing licenses from the government.78
Among the industrial ships tied to Mauritanian fishmeal, many are bottom trawlers, which tow nets that can be hundreds of feet wide along the ocean floor. Bottom trawling is a particularly destructive form of fishing because of its bluntness. Anything in the net’s path—including non-target species, coral reefs, and dolphins—is swept up, often fatally. Between 2019 and 2024, over a dozen vessels supplying fishmeal to plants in Mauritania likely bottom trawled for more than a combined 4,100 days, according to an analysis by the ocean monitoring firm Global Fishing Watch.79
Mauritanian fishing companies have historically benefited from government support. Mauritania gave at least $28 million in harmful subsidies to its fishing industry in 2018, according to a study by the University of British Columbia.80 Fishing subsidies are controversial because many researchers say that they can put too many fishing ships on the water, which accelerates overfishing.81 By 2022, Mauritania stopped providing subsidies directly to fishing companies. However, the National Federation of Fisheries collected more than $26 million that year for a fund that subsidized the price of fuel for all consumers. The fund was financed by a levy on exports.82
Governments around the world took one step toward ending this practice when an agreement on fisheries subsidies passed by the World Trade Organization (WTO), of which Mauritania is a member, entered into force in 2025. Under this agreement, member states pledged to ban subsidies that contributed to unregulated or illegal fishing and the targeting of overfished stocks.83
Fishmeal plants in Mauritania primarily use fish from an area of near-shore waters covered by the Fishery Improvement Project (FIP) called “Mauritanian Small Pelagics – Purse Seine.” This program uses the incentive of certification and associated market access to better the social and ecological sustainability of a fishery.84 The nine factories participating in the FIP as of 2025 present themselves as responsible stakeholders working to improve the fishery.85M
However, critics question whether this FIP is more of a marketing ploy than an actual effort to strengthen management. The fishmeal industry in Mauritania joined the Small Pelagics FIP in 2017. But by 2024, sardines—among the main species in this fishery—were classed as overexploited in one of the fishery’s zones, according to an article in Fisheries Improvement Project News.86 Furthermore, the sardine or “European pilchard” fishery was also tied to “serious management issues” due to apparent illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing, according to a report by Sustainable Fisheries Partnership.87 The lack of improvement and the broader worsening state of Mauritania’s stocks are the reason that critics from the Coalition for Fair Fisheries Arrangements say that this “improvement” program has not pushed the country toward actual improvement.88
Dive deeper — 3 of 3 in this report — Footnotes 89–108
Certification & The Growing Risk of False Advertising
As the production of seafood has become more globalized, its supply chains have stretched longer, and it has become tougher for consumers to know how it was produced and whether it was harvested sustainably, safely, legally, or ethically.89 Most grocers who sell the seafood are in the dark as well. Partly, because tracking seafood is unusually difficult and costly. The other reason may be plausible deniability. Companies can escape blame or the need to fix problems if they are unaware of them.
Where government regulators in Mauritania have proven lacking in managing fish stocks, industry-led certification programs have sought to fill the gap. These programs claim to provide assurances that the supply chains connecting Mauritania’s fishmeal industry to seafood buyers elsewhere in the world are free from ships or plants that engage in unsustainable, illegal, or unethical practices.M But critics say that these programs serve as sustainability smokescreens because their purview is not broad enough. As a result, questionable practices farther up the supply chain get overlooked.90
Various researchers and advocates have concluded that seafood certification programs suffer from systemic flaws. For instance, Allie Brudney, a senior staff attorney at Corporate Accountability Lab, a strategic litigation non-profit organization, said that on land, at processing plants, or on farms, certification programs rarely conduct true spot checks to authenticate the reassurances given by managers at the factories.91 Instead, the programs frequently alert companies before inspectors show up, which gives them a chance to clean up the scene so there are no violations. At sea, these programs also often rely on self-reported information from ship captains rather than having auditors directly visit and check conditions offshore on vessels, where crimes are most common. The programs are rife with conflicts of interest, since they are typically funded by the companies that they are supposed to police, Brudney added.92
Certification programs also do not track seafood fully through the entire supply chain, which can result in inaccurate reassurances for consumers. “Without the chain of custody, standards are not able to provide an assurance to organisational buyers and consumers that the fish they are buying was caught in the socially responsible way they are purporting,” according to a 2022 study by the University of Nottingham.93M To properly trace aquaculture seafood would require knowing not just what happens at the fish farm but what goes into the feed supplied to the farm. This would entail following fishmeal and fish oil through five stages: from ship to plant to mill to farm to fork. Usually, a ship catches the fish that gets sent to the plant that turns it into oil, powder, or pellets.M The fishmeal is then sent to a mill, where it is mixed with other ingredients, like soy, wheat, and canola meal, to become “compound feed.”94 Next, the feed gets distributed to fish farms that grow the seafood, which is finally dispatched to grocery stores, restaurant chains, or food service companies. Many of these problems have been highlighted by academic and NGO studies, including a 2020 report by Changing Markets Foundation and a 2020 report by the University of Groningen.95
Skepticism
Food safety is another concern tied to the lack of seafood tracing. Food writer Michael Pollan said that aside from climate change and sustainability concerns, there are also intense food-safety problems buried within feed. “We are what we eat, but that’s only part of the story,” he said. “We are what what we eat eats too.” This was the case with beef, which, until mad cow disease, was routinely fed to other cattle. Cows are still fed fertilizer, chicken feces, and cow blood. “I’m imagining we know even less about what goes into fish feed than we do about cattle feed,” Pollan said.96
Sara Lewis, director of programs for FishWise, a sustainability and labor non-profit organization, explained that one of the reasons these programs are flawed stems from how they were initiated. She said that aquaculture certification programs were designed on the heels of those that previously focused on wild catch and were not sufficiently tailored. “Though the intentions were to model aquaculture certifications on the wild certifications of a decade before, aquaculture has the tricky problem of needing to account for feed origins that wild fishery certifications don’t,” she said.97
Meaning & Methods of Improvement
Five certification programs are most popular in relation to aquaculture seafood. They include Best Aquaculture Practices (BAP) and Aquaculture Stewardship Council (ASC), which concentrate on the sustainability and legality of fish farming; MarinTrust, which focuses on the processing and traceability of fishmeal and fish oil; and Friend of the Sea, which certifies both fisheries and fishmeal and fish oil processors.98 Countries also rely on Fishery Improvement Projects (FIPs), which aim to improve the management of participating fisheries.M
In response to questions from The Outlaw Ocean Project, the various organizations that make up the certification industry emphasized that each plays its own role and cannot be held accountable for others’ responsibilities.99
MarinTrust, for instance, emphasized that its program is not meant to be the “lone driver” but a “credible partner” to governments and NGOs. Regarding labor abuse, spokesperson Libby Woodhatch said MarinTrust’s purpose is strictly to check whether factories comply with national regulations and UN labor conventions.100 ASC spokesperson Gaynyr Dickson added that “certification alone cannot resolve all issues related to the industry” and that ASC does not police labor standards directly. Instead, it relies on fish farms to get their feed from mills that have themselves been certified by other organizations. When asked if the program checks for sustainability problems with feed mills and their fishmeal producers, Dickson said they put that responsibility on the feed mills to do their own “due diligence.”101 Paolo Bray, the founder of Friend of the Sea, similarly stated that his organization does not directly audit ships for labor concerns but relies on independent auditing firms that are supposed to talk to workers in port and review CCTV footage.102 The Global Seafood Alliance, which runs the BAP program, wrote that it is the industry’s “most comprehensive program for farmed seafood” but is also “removed from the auditing and certification decision process,” which is executed instead by third-party auditors.103
Division of labor exists in every industry, though some critics say that its stakes are higher in the certification industry. “The business model is simple,” said a 2025 report from Western Sahara Resource Watch. Exporters pay for certificates, certification bodies issue them, and standard owners license them. "But when things go awry, auditors blame standards, standards blame auditors, both depend financially on the companies they are supposed to control, and almost no one answers questions, the report said. “Everyone gets paid, and when problems emerge, everyone points elsewhere.”104
Certification programs are popular partly because they provide reassurances that allow importers, exporters, and retailers to raise their prices, lessen their legal risk, and attract more investment.105 Companies have a financial incentive to believe the reassurances passed along by certifications and by associates up the chain. The boat captains, fishery officials, fishmeal plant operators, feed mills, fish farmers, seafood brands, restaurateurs, grocers, and even the insurers, banks, and certifiers make up an industry full of stakeholders who receive and hand down such reassurances. Quite often, a compounding confidence snowballs from certifications to marketing claims. Based on their certifications, seafood sellers advertise themselves as more ethical than their competitors.M
The market demand for superficial signs of compliance creates a powerful incentive for producers. Fishmeal factories in West Africa often do whatever they can to get into FIPs, certification programs, or industry roundtables in order to get access to premium retailers in the European markets. Aquafeed giants Cargill, Skretting, and BioMar, some of the world’s biggest suppliers of salmon feed, are represented in all three. They also sit on oversight committees of the certification program MarinTrust. The three companies are actively sourcing fish oil from West Africa, despite its pelagic fishery not yet being certified as sustainably managed. All have plans to expand aquafeed production, which will continue to cause issues for local communities.106
Diminishing Deniability?
Seafood companies may face increasing legal challenges to problems within their supply chains. Historically, such companies have, intentionally or unintentionally, distanced themselves from the behaviors of their subcontractors and suppliers abroad, thereby avoiding culpability for the role of bad actors. A case brought in March 2025 by four Indonesian fishers against the canned-tuna giant Bumble Bee concerning the use of forced labor on fishing ships tied to the company could pierce that veil of plausible deniability.107 The fishers sued the company in the Southern District of California for violating the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA). The company argued in court documents that it was not responsible for the actions of the relevant fishing ships. In a landmark ruling, the district court allowed the lawsuit to move forward, finding that Bumble Bee “likely had ‘notice about the prevalence’ of forced labor on the vessels from which it sourced tuna, ‘failed to take adequate steps to train staff in order to prevent its occurrence’,” had an “active role in obtaining albacore tuna from the vessels on which Plaintiffs were subject to forced labor,” and resold such procured tuna for profit. Bumble Bee did not respond to a request for comment.108
“Rather than being simply a means of obtaining an eco-label, the simple fact to engage in a FIP has now become an award itself, formalised and legitimate, for seafood companies to exploit for marketing purposes,” the coalition said. “NGOs are handing out positive grades for sustainability to companies that have only committed to being sustainable in the future. Whether they are sustainable or not does not matter; all that matters is that they are signed up to a FIP.”109M
Some ocean conservationists and labor groups have called for seafood companies and grocery chains to stop sourcing from companies or regions like India, West Africa, or Norway, tied to labor, food safety, or sustainability concerns.110 Spokespeople from several seafood certification programs disagreed with this perspective, arguing that a carrot-rather-than-stick approach is best for improving the industry. For example, Dave Martin, a spokesperson for the Sustainable Fisheries Partnership, which founded Fisheries Improvement Projects, said, “We ask our partners and those we work with around the world to stay and help fix the problems.” He added, “Fisheries in FIPs are by definition unsustainable,” which is why they are in the program.
Asked by The Outlaw Ocean Project why, according to his organization’s own assessment, half of the fisheries reviewed had in recent years dropped into a “poorly managed” category, Martin cited two studies showing that fishery improvement projects help. He also pointed to factors that improvement programs cannot control, such as the performance of government regulators. In regions where governments have rolled back regulations and cut spending toward counting fish and enforcing quotas, Martin said his organization pushes for companies to play a larger role in preventing overfishing.111

The Mauritanian government and fishmeal companies have struggled to verify that the ships supplying the country’s fishmeal plants are obeying the law. Fishing vessel captains sometimes turn off their Automatic Identification System (AIS) locational transponders and “go dark,” which marine researchers say can be an indicator of illegal fishing. An order from the Mauritanian Fisheries Ministry mandated that all vessels in Mauritanian waters must transmit their locations using a satellite tracking beacon.112 However, at least three ships in the Mauritanian fishmeal fleet turned off their locational transponder for more than a week while fishing in national waters, according to a review of incidents during five years ending in February 2025, conducted by the maritime research firm Skylight. One of those ships, the Wafa 5, once turned off its transponder for over a month. This ship was chartered by Omaurci, which also operates a fishmeal plant in Mauritania.113M Omaurci’s parent company, Mauritania Pelagic, did not respond to a request for comment.114
In hopes of drawing more revenue from fishing, the Mauritanian government requires all catch from its waters to be landed in the country’s ports, according to a report by Partner Africa, a civil society group.115 Many ships ignore this rule. At least 50 fishmeal vessels likely transshipped between 2019 and 2024, as seen in data from the maritime tracking firm Allen Institute for AI.116 Tracking ships from Mauritania’s fishmeal fleet is additionally difficult because at least 12 of them lack International Maritime Organization (IMO) numbers, which are required by the United Nations agency, and at least 40 of this fleet’s ships are also not registered on the FAO Global Record, a database that the international community uses to monitor ships.117M
The Mauritanian government has also made controversial exceptions to the rule that fish is supposed to be landed and processed domestically. For example, there is an agreement with the Chinese company, Fuzhou Hong Dong Pelagic Fishery, which has a fleet of 83 vessels, that allows it to fish and transform directly in its own facilities.118 This exception was granted in 2010 for 25 years, in exchange for the company investing $100 million and promising to employ 2,000 Mauritanian nationals. “The deal has since been under investigation for suspicion of corruption by the Mauritanian parliament. The Chinese company’s trawlers were also implicated in the deaths of Mauritanian artisanal fishers in 2020,” according to a 2023 report from Partner Africa.119
As of 2025, the promised $100 million investment has not materialized, according to Andre Standing, a fishery expert who has researched Hong Dong. Hong Dong did not respond to a request for comment.120
Another major problem with fishmeal exported from Mauritania is that it is often derived from catch pulled from the waters of Western Sahara, a nation located just to the north.121 This makes the fishmeal illegal, as Morocco has militarily occupied Western Sahara since the mid-1970s. Over 100 rulings by international bodies, including the United Nations and the European Union, have concluded that Morocco—or any other foreign government—has no legal right to extract resources from its waters.122 Nonetheless, fish remains one of the region’s most valuable resources, and Mauritanian ships routinely fish in Western Saharan waters, sometimes landing their catch there before trucking it across the southern border for export.123M
In November 2020, dozens of peaceful Sahrawi protesters blocked a remote section of coastal highway. Moroccan troops broke up the blockade by opening fire on the crowd, according to an account by the Polisario Front, a pro-independence group.124M
Air and water pollution remain an acute concern in Mauritania. On one occasion in 2024, for example, elderly residents reported shortness of breath after the nearby fishmeal plant, Alfa Service, emitted plumes of thick black smoke.125 On another occasion that same year, activists recorded a beach covered in nets and plastic near the Sunrise Oceanic plant.126 Alfa Service and Sunrise Oceanic did not respond to a request for comment.127
The stench from the plants is more than just a nuisance for people living nearby. It corrodes the local economy by undercutting tourism and scaring away restaurant patrons and beach visitors. The foul smell is also an indicator of the release of noxious chemicals like ammonia, hydrogen sulfide, cyanide, and methane, which have been known to contribute to higher levels of serious health problems, including nausea, pulmonary edema, and even death among plant workers and neighbors.128
The worst part of the odor comes from trimethylamine, or TMA, a colorless gas characterized by a “fishy” smell. In 2021, the Society of Chemical Industry identified TMA as “strongly toxic and carcinogenic.”129 More than 56,000 people, over 16,100 of them under the age of 15, live within a mile of fishmeal plants in Mauritania, according to The Outlaw Ocean Project’s Bait-to-Plate tool.130M
A 2020 story from the Atlas News Agency suggested a link between the fishmeal industry in Nouadhibou and an uptick in rates of disease, asthma, mouth and throat illnesses, miscarriages, and newborn mortality.131 The article also cited negligence by the Minister of Fisheries and Maritime Economy and the Nouadhibou Free Zone Authority. A 2021 film by Arabic News discussed a variety of problems caused by these plants, including the displacement of local residents due to air and water pollution.132M The Ministry of Fisheries and Maritime Economy and the Nouadhibou Free Zone Authority did not respond to a request for comment.133
The concentration of fishmeal plants in Nouadhibou has led to local air being “laced with toxic particles and the putrid smell of fishmeal production” and coastal waters polluted by plant waste and effluent, according to a 2021 report published in the Global Atlas of Environmental Justice, which cited 32 plants in the area.134M
A 2022 report from the FAO found that severe health problems caused by the smoke from the dozens of fishmeal plants were an especially pervasive issue.135 “Incidents of various diseases, such as rhinitis, cough, asthma, diarrhea and nausea, have increased, as reported by local populations and technical staff,” the UN organization report said. “Additionally, poorly equipped factory workers and most artisanal processors who provide processing wastes for raw materials experience high exposure to such diseases and also suffer from frequent injuries.”
In 2023, fishers and community members interviewed by Partner Africa in Mauritania told the researchers that fishmeal factories were releasing untreated water into the ocean, which was linked with cases of “diarrhea, vomiting, and nausea” among locals.136 Researchers interviewed over 200 factory managers, workers, fishers, residents, and government regulators in several West African countries and reported that “100 percent of the stakeholders in Mauritania” indicated that smoke from the plants was having adverse health impacts.137
Scientists have also documented the role of fishmeal plants in polluting local waters. A study published in a peer-reviewed article from Nature Environment and Pollution Technology in 2023 used various parameters to detail the impact of untreated fishmeal factory discharges in the Bountiya sector of Levrier Bay in Nouadhibou.138 These discharges led to “reduced oxygen levels in the sea waters at the ocean bottom, burial or smothering of living organisms, and introduction of disease or non-native and invasive species to the ecosystem of the sea floor,” the study found. The article added that fishmeal waste contributed to high levels of phosphorus and nitrogen in these waters, leading to algae proliferation.
The Mauritanian government has failed to enforce its own rules regulating the plants. When investigators from the research organization Rampao interviewed officials and plant managers in Senegal, The Gambia, and Mauritania, they found that environmental and social impact assessments, which were typically required in other countries, had not been completed in many cases. This gap in policy contributed to popular skepticism and pushback against the factories, the Rampao report concluded. When consultations did occur before factories were built, they typically favored the voices of local authorities such as mayors, village chiefs, imams, and notables, while other stakeholders like youth, environmental, labor, or secular community leaders had far less input, the report said.139
The economic equation for Mauritania’s fishmeal industry is highly unbalanced. While a 2022 FAO study showed an increase in industry jobs, which collectively employed roughly 2,000 people, the benefits are immediately undercut by social and economic detriments.140 A large proportion of these jobs are temporary and are most often allocated to foreigners; for instance, a 2024 Rampao study found that workers are “Senegalese, Chinese and Turkish nationals who work not only on chartered pirogues and fishing boats, but also within the factories themselves.”141 This marginal local employment, along with tax revenue, struggles to outweigh the negative impacts like air and water pollution, lost tourism, food deprivation, and job loss in the artisanal fishing sector.142M
Prices in Mauritania for sardinella have risen in recent years from roughly 26 cents per kilogram to $1.60 per kilogram, according to the 2023 “Track the Fish” report by Partner Africa. The increase is due to the fact that more catch continues to go toward the fishmeal and fish oil industry and export markets “as they pay higher prices, leaving the local market poorly supplied,” the report said.143
The industry also creates a high risk of debt bondage among local fishers. Partner Africa reported that over a third of operating fishing boats—both artisanal pirogues and larger purse seiners—have their food, drink, bait, and gas expenses paid upfront by factory operators or fishmongers. In return, the fisher is obligated to sell the catch at a pre-arranged price, essentially working to pay off the debt for little or no money.144
The presence of large and foreign-owned industrial fishing ships has caused concern. The Margiris is a Lithuania-flagged super trawler said to be the second-largest fishing vessel in the world, according to an article in the Daily Mail.145 It also had “a bad track record for chronic overfishing” and was seen fishing in Mauritanian waters in 2021, according to a Greenpeace article. The vessel was able to catch and freeze 250 tons of fish per day, reportedly targeting the small pelagic fish already overexploited in West Africa and vital to the food security of millions of people in the region. The Margiris was trawling Mauritanian waters under an agreement between the EU and Mauritania.146
Some foreign fishing ships have committed behavior in Mauritania’s waters that appears to violate fishing laws. The Hicaz-6, for example, caught banned species including Sardinella aurita and Sardinella maderensis for fishmeal, according to Mansour Boidaha, president of Zakia Environmental Organization and general coordinator of the Environmental and Fisheries Movement. The Turkey-flagged vessel is leased by Sunrise, a subsidiary of the Chinese aquaculture giant Baiyang Investment Group. It plays a key role in sustaining companies like Olvea in France.147 Sunrise did not respond to a request for comment.148 Although transshipment is banned in Mauritanian waters, the Ilhan Yilmaz-1, another Turkish vessel, engaged in what maritime investigations firm OceanMind said was likely transshipment behavior in at least 10 incidents between 2022 and 2024.149M The vessel’s operator did not respond to a request for comment.150 (Olvea did not respond to a request for comment on this issue, but did respond to other questions.)151
Mauritania is the world’s 13th-largest exporter of fishmeal.152 Spain is a key destination for Mauritanian seafood exports overall, and some fishmeal and oil is routed through Spanish ports such as the one in Las Palmas, Canary Islands. The majority of fishmeal produced in Mauritania is exported to China and Vietnam, while fish oil exports largely go to Europe, according to MarinTrust.153 Not all of the raw material caught in Mauritania is processed there; some of the catch is exported directly to Turkey, Japan, China, or Vietnam, often to be turned into fishmeal, said an article by the US International Trade Association in December 2023.154
In response to growing scarcity, Mauritania introduced a quota in 2021 that required at least a fifth of fish caught to be frozen and directed toward human consumption. This, combined with the growing fish scarcity, strained processors. Over the following years, at least 19 companies in Nouadhibou ceased operations.155 In August 2025, the Ministry of Fisheries announced that more than 40 of the country’s fishmeal factories had closed. This outcome was celebrated by activists; Mansour Boidaha, a representative of Greenpeace Africa, stated, “Every factory that closes is a victory for fishermen, for women processors, and for food security in Mauritania and West Africa.”
Mauritania is not alone in the challenges that its fishmeal industry has created. Despite the risk of collapse of local fishing stocks, West Africa has seen increased growth of fishmeal and fish oil factories. This factory growth, which in 2018 absorbed 90 percent of total pelagic catch, has been correlated with stocks of flat and round sardinella dropping to their lowest levels in history, according to an analysis of fish stocks and fishmeal plants in 2024.156 This increase in fishmeal factories can be traced back to the heavy demand for farmed salmon in Europe, which was worth 8.4 billion euros in 2022, or approximately $8.85 billion, according to a 2025 Oceana article.157M